Chile has a population of 19,458,310 inhabitants (INE, 2020). Surrounded by the Andes and the Pacific Ocean, Chile’s neighbors are Argentina, Bolivia, and Peru. The long territory from North to South gives the country a wide variety of climates, landscapes and cultures. The main political and economic activities in the country are concentrated in its center, specifically in the capital city, Santiago de Chile, in the Metropolitan Region, with a population of 8,125,072 people (INE, 2020). It is there where the main national media are located.
Freedom House Global Freedom: Status “free” (Score: 94 out of 100 in 2019; remaining stable since 2017)
V-Dem (Varieties of Democracy; Annual Democracy Report 2019)
Liberal Democracy Index 2018: Chile ranges in the Top 10-20% bracket (rank 21 of all countries)
Freedom of Expression Index 2018: Chile ranks 36 of all countries (V-Dem, 2019)
While the V-Dem numbers (2019) account for a stable country, Chile is experiencing a very important political moment. After a dictatorship that lasted for 17 years, during the past thirty years of democracy with seven governments, five from left wing parties and two from right wing parties, Chile seemed as an exemplary case in Latin America of both a functioning democracy and a booming economy.
However, under the current administration, right wing President Sebastian Piñera’s second term, on October 18 2019, after a rise in public transportation fares of CLP $30 (EUR $0,033), a group of students decided to avoid paying and started jumping over the turnstiles in metro stations. This gesture was the origin of a social movement that has questioned the country’s political and economic structure, with calls for improvement in pensions, healthcare, education and political institutions, among other issues.
According to analysts, this moment could imply a paradigmatic change in Chile, where structural elements inherited from the dictatorship have collapsed, as also, the neoliberal economic system (Mayol, 2019). Political institutions, which functioned under the Constitution written and approved by the dictatorship with a fraudulent referendum (Fuentes, 2019) and, the disillusionment and discontent from the middle class towards politicians, accumulated throughout the years and crashed under the current administration (Tironi, 2020). The protesters represent a generation that does not share the values of the previous ones (Peña, 2020). This, in addition to economic inequality (Araujo, 2019). The slogan of the movement became “It is not 30 pesos, it is 30 years”.
Manifestations became the daily routine, clashes between the protestors and the police were commonplace, and there were several national broadcasts by the president, as well as restrictive measures, for example, the implementation of a curfew. This brought an economic crisis and large levels of polarization. The Parliament called for a national referendum to vote on the possibility of creating a new Constitution. In this political scenario, the 2020 pandemic arrived to the country.
One of the calls from the movement was to “turn off the television”, which was extended as a general critique of the coverage done by media to the protests, especially because of the insistence to show repeatedly the videos of the violent clashes and barricades. Some examples of anger were flyers of journalists’ faces with the word “miente” (“lies”) pasted on street walls, protests in front of the television channels and attacks towards journalists, who were not able to identify themselves as such when they covered the protests.
This heightened the mistrust towards media that came from before. The 2020 edition of the Digital News Report shows a decrease of 15 points in the trust towards media, dropping to 30% (Fernández and Núñez-Mussa, 2020). This came hand in hand with a wave of disinformation, which gave rise to the appearance of several new fact-checking projects in the country (Núñez-Mussa, 2019).
Chile has a media system with political parallelism and a commercial profile with high concentration. Businesspeople are in charge of holdings. The only public television channel in the country, Televisión Nacional de Chile (TVN), functions within corporate practices, because it is financed through advertising, and therefore, depends on the ratings. This, added to an already existing economic crisis within the media industry, which became worsened by the one being experienced by the rest of the country.
Leading news media sample 2020
The media selected for this investigation includes the only public television channel, TVN, from which the press director and one of their journalists were interviewed. Two leading informative FM radios Cooperativa and BioBio, where one editor in chief and journalist from each were interviewed. The newspaper La Tercera, where we could only interview one journalist; El Mostrador, dedicated to written journalism and pioneer for digital outlets, where we interviewed their editor-in-chief; and Pauta.cl, a FM radio with a multiplatform vocation, from where we interviewed the director. Finally, we also interviewed the general secretary of Colegio de Periodistas, the national journalism association.
COVID-19 pandemic
The scenario described in this introduction has had a few variations since Covid-19 arrived at the country. It is very early to evaluate if this is a response to the immediate context, or if some of these changes will remain when the virus stops being a political priority and the public conscience returns to concerns such as the national referendum.
The early strategy from the government was moderate quarantines, which lead to a fast growth of the contagion curve. Two months after the first cases, there were erratic calls for a “new normalcy”, when the country could return to adapted routines and commercial activity, which were later dismissed, after the obvious increase in contagion. Currently, there are large parts of the country under total quarantines, a curfew has been implemented since April, borders are closed, and supermarkets have its opening hours shortened. Permissions are required to move within quarantined areas.
The relationship between the press and the government has been tense. The former Minister for Health, who was in charge of the crisis for the first months, denounced in an interview on television: “The work of the press is to sell by inventing lies” (Vera, 2020), and after being questioned by different news stories he accused journalists of fabricating “fake news” (CNN Chile, 2020a).
Now that the press is overseeing the government, right wing sectors started spreading the hashtag “#rechazoprensabasura” (“#rejecttrashmedia”). This shows that the lack of trust towards journalism is transversal and intensified in different political sectors according to the context.
Despite the aforesaid, the most recent study (Cadem, 2020) shows that the government approval rate, which reached critical lows during the protests, started to grow since Covid-19, from 13% to 23%. The trust in legacy media also increased, while the confidence in all the social platforms decreased. In January the trust in open access TV was 29%, in April it reached 47%. A similar scenario happened with printed media and online outlets, which went from 48% to 59%. The radio always maintained high levels of trust. However, Facebook dropped from 47% to 35%. If the media will maintain this sudden regain in trust in the future, is uncertain.
Conclusions
This is the first time that Chile participates in the Media for Democracy Monitor, and it does so in a moment of political and social transformations country wide, where the reflection about the democratic role of media has become extremely important.
As can be discovered by the parameters offered by this report, several of the criticisms faced today by media from both academia and the citizens are exclamation points for systemic problems that have been warned for years.
Concerning freedom of information, access to it in Chile is geographically wide, with both national and regional media, which, in addition to their traditional platforms, are also available through the internet. While the media consumption is indeed frequent, audiences are also critical about it, which was exacerbated by the social movement and the coverage of protests. This led to the media taking measures to protect their journalists when they reported on the protests.
There are internal and external pressures, which come from issues regarding the ownership and the commercial model of media; even so, the journalists defend their freedom. There are debts in gender equality policies, and adding more reflection on the stories covered and sources used, since they mainly consult to political and official sources, which responds to the daily agenda with a part/counterpart logic. A positive effect of the protests is the strengthening of fact checking as a practice.
In the aspects of equality and interest mediation, its concentration is one of the characteristics of the Chilean media system. Even so, regional and alternative media contribute to diversity, but with impact on limited audiences, and it is where the audience’s voice is better represented. This contrasts with national media where citizen participation is seen, mainly, with suspicion.
Self-regulation responds to the journalists’ personal ethics and each medium’s inside culture. The latter and the journalist-editor relationship are what determine how the internal pluralism within these organizations will develop. The structure is fragile if one considers that, for the 2019 protests, there was tension between journalists and editors. External ethical codes are not relevant for daily work, especially the one from Colegio de Periodistas, which is seen, under its current administration, to be a political entity that does not represent professionals.
The watchdog role is not the most common one for Chilean journalism, but there are media that value their investigative areas and there are also projects that dedicate themselves to developing investigative journalism. Although, the economic crisis faced by the media, has reduced investigative journalism teams and initiatives. The economy has also impacted work stability, with frequent massive firings in the last period. While journalists usually have university education, the work conditions of low wages and little free time difficult further specialization, and it is common for younger journalists to leave the media to work in corporate communications after a few years of exercising the profession.
This report allows us to see there are parameters that indicates that the media in Chile has yet strong challenges on democracy, from the structure of the media system to inner practices within the newsroom.
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